Review of Ward Churchil's On the Justice
of Roosting Chickens: Reflections on the Consequences of U.S.
Imperial Arrogance
Published in Social Anarchism
By Stevphen Shukaitis
The historian Eric Hobsbawm, in The Age of
Extremes, notes that, “The destruction of the past, or rather
the social mechanisms that link one’s contemporary experience
to that of earlier generations, is one of the most characteristic
and eerie phenomena of the late twentieth century. Most young
men and women at the century’s end grow up in a sort of permanent
present lacking any organic relation to the public past of the
times they live in.” This sense of there being no past, no time
but the eternal present of self-creation and recreation (a time
well suited for the constant illusion of innovation and change
embodied in the market) has attained an even greater state of
hegemony within US society, where aside from a few mythological
notions of historical details of civic foundations the past
almost ceases to exist.
Thus in the days after September 11th, 2001 cries and queries
of “why do they hate us?” rang out with an alarming intensity
only matched by absurdity of official explanations for such
events. In such conditions texts such as this offering from
Native American activist and professor Ward Churchill can only
be bound but to be extremely important, laying out with clarity
and precision the true nature and extent of the history of US
military aggression, criminality, and lawlessness. This text,
which consists primarily of two large and very detailed timelines,
methodically catalogues and documents both the history of US
military actions at home and abroad from 1776 – 2003 as well
as US votes within the United Nations and how such have systematically
undermined international law. The result can only be described
as devastating, as Churchill strips away with well documented
and detailed accuracy the multitude of military campaigns and
acts of aggression revealing the hypocrisy and self-delusion
of propagandistic claims to the status of the US as the “most
peace-loving of nations” and any other claims.
While the wide gulf separating the ideological fantasies of
US history that gloss over the true nature of the historical
record will likely come as little surprise to many readers who
approach such from a progressive or radical political framework,
the effect of having such so clearly described and laid out
in chronological order may easily manage to shock and appall
even those who are already quite aware of many of the events
constituting US history. While the timelines themselves may
not make for the smoothest of reads, as commentary and discussion
is for the most part saved for essay sections between them,
the sheer weight of the amassed evidence cannot help but to
expose the banal clichés employed to describe the US historical
record as ideological devices and outright deceptions. Flipping
through the text I found myself wishing that it was available
as a searchable database, perhaps downloadable onto a PDA or
other device, readily accessible for whenever I find myself
engaged in debate over US foreign and wishing to instantly recall
particular dates and conflicts.
Far from the claimed status of being the “most peace loving
nation earth,” Churchill’s documentation of US military invasions
and campaigns and domestic counterinsurgency campaigns reveals
that there is not a single year in the history of the country
where the military has not been involved in some sort of violent
conflict. From the crushing internal dissent during colonial
days to now, the displacement of Native American populations
to the various CIA backed methods of destabilizing and overthrowing
democratically elected regimes around the world, Churchill’s
writing plays the important role of bringing out events and
conquests left out and erased from official narratives of history
presented in the US, particularly in the schools. It serves
recreate the kinds of organic social connections and relations
to the past that Hobsbawm describes as no longer existing. Given
the nature of the history revealed through the text one might
be inclined to argue that the erasure of history, memory, and
our connection to it is precisely because of the atrocious nature
of the history of US power and domination.
Churchill’s enumeration of votes taken in the United Nations
since the end of the World War II likewise makes clear that
far from being the upholder of peace, democracy, and other values
generally professed in the diplomatic realm, the US has acted
in ways consistently flaunting, defying, and disregarding standards
of international law. Whether in acknowledging rights to food,
the safety of refugees, or economic self-determination, the
US has consistently voted against any proposal that would in
impinge upon its state of sovereign exception from standards
of international law being applied to itself. Particularly striking
examples of this include the US rejection of the treaty creating
the International Criminal Court unless its own citizens are
exempt from being tried within it and that actions held found
to be criminally illegal during the Nuremberg trial were not
held to be so when the US military engaged in them during the
1970s (such as the bombing of dams in Cambodia).
While the book succeeds spectacularly at many levels at stripping
away the pretenses and images that the official US version of
history it holds of itself part of me wants to ask, for whom?
One of the first guidelines any writer learns is that a text
should be written considering who one’s audience is, with decisions
made about style, presentation, and argument made that take
into account such. While Churchill’s text is well suited for
deconstructing the violent and despicable history that has been
swept under the rug of collective memory, the outward presentation
and appearance of the argument in many ways works toward preventing
that from happening.
Historically the views of radicals and progressives have been
marginalized by their portrayal in the media and such outlets
as scary gun toting radicals who despise the country (“America
haters!”), are pawns of Soviet designs, and so forth. So to
a degree the presentation and design of the book with its picture
of Churchill in 70s style glasses and brandishing a submachine
gun on the back cover plays right into this process of marginalization.
Or, to put it this way, who is going to pick up a book whose
title includes a line about US criminality and arrogance that
isn’t to some degree already keen on such views? Usually I am
not very sympathetic to arguments about the importance of “appealing
to liberals” or similar lines of thought, and this is not what
I want to suggest here, but rather that the goals and arguments
pursues in the book would be better achieved through slight
changes in how he presents them, not in their substance but
more in the rhetorical style. And in certain ways this issue
intersects without key arguments that he makes.
Denying that the issue is that great portions of the US population
are not aware of the sections of US history Churchill rather
takes the perspective that the population is engaged in acts
of willful, deliberate ignorance. For instance, he comments
that the queries as to why people abroad would resent the US,
“The very question is on its face absurd, delusional, revealing
of an aggregate detachment from reality so virulent as to be
deemed clinically pathological.” (Page 13) Reflecting back on
my own memories of high school history and through much of college
I have to disagree with this view, as it fully possible to pay
attention to the given sources of information while not being
aware of many of the aspects of US history and domination that
Churchill is drawing out through the text. It is for this reason
the books such as this are all the more important because they
braid together the information and history of such events and
pair such with calls for radical forms of social action and
organizing.
While it is quite common in forms of radical discourse to draw
comparison between the current US situation and Nazi Germany,
such can come off as absurd to people who are not aware of the
reasons, actions and similar structural logics underlying such
statements. Drawing upon the reflections of Karl Jaspers on
how Germany could come to grips with the criminality of its
government and the complicity of its citizens in it, Churchill
likewise through this text provides a powerful weapon for detonating
the concepts and pretenses used to justify US exceptionalism.
Moving beyond speaking truth to those in power, who are already
aware of the nature of atrocities being committed, Churchill’s
writing is well suited for shaking off the collective illusions
held by the US. As Chellis Glendinning notes in the introduction,
“In today’s world, we are all colonized.” If such is the case,
Churchill successfully demonstrates exactly why the natives
are restless.
On the Justice of Roosting Chickens: Reflections on the Consequences
of U.S. Imperial Arrogance and Criminality by Ward Churchill.
123 pp. Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2003. $15.95.
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